Louis was maintained over the course of the 20th century. In the decades after World War II, whites moved out to suburbia, but blacks were left behind. Louis County received five times as many [federally guaranteed] FHA loans as did the racially mixed city of St. As whites moved further out from the city, especially westward toward St. Charles County, I was expanded to serve them. In these same years, the city of St. Longtime St. Federal law did stipulate that urban-redevelopment projects could only proceed if alternative housing was available to those whose homes were to be destroyed.
So federal and city authorities tried to build subsidized housing for St. Louis residents seeking affordable housing outside the city limits. But this resettlement only intensified the segregation of an already segregated city. The white population of St. Their first acts were generally to pass restrictive zoning codes.
The toniest of these new towns completely banned the construction of multi-unit housing, which made it impossible for the government to build federally subsidized housing there. To make the neighborhood even less accessible to poor people, and thus all-too-often black people—the associations sometimes required home lots to be at least one acre in size, effectively placing them off-limits to all but the affluent.
The majority of St. Like most of the rest of St. Louis County, mid-century Ferguson was defended by exclusionary zoning codes and whites-only collusion in the real estate market. To this day, the adjacent cities are joined by only two through streets, the Ferguson city line runs down a neutral zone lined on either side with mirror-image three-way intersections. If you have been to St. Louis, you likely landed in Kinloch. Louis Airport.
Get e-book Clerks and Administrative Workers, Second Edition (Fergusons Careers in Focus)
Over the same period of time, a small number of African American homeowners and a much larger number of African American renters have gradually replaced whites in Ferguson. Ferguson, which was almost entirely white in , today has a black majority.
The court tasked the East-West Gateway Government Council and the Missouri Housing Development Commission with developing a plan to desegregate the metropolitan area, but they simply ignored the ruling. At the turn of the 21st century, almost one-half of St. It is not simply the proliferation of municipalities in St. Louis County, nor their segregation, that accounts for the revenue crisis in Ferguson.
The city is, after all, home to a Fortune firm.
Whatever the history of residential real estate in Ferguson, its commercial properties might be expected to provide plenty of revenue. But Ferguson is extraordinarily constrained in its ability to pay for the services that its residents require.
Series by cover
Municipal tax revenue is limited by the Missouri constitution. In , Representative Mel Hancock—the founder of a group called the Taxpayer Survival Association—wrote an amendment that required any increase of local taxes, licenses, or fees to be approved by a citywide referendum, with very few exceptions. The Hancock Amendment, like similar laws in other states, radically constrains the possibilities of municipal governance. Unable to raise tax rates, many municipal governments have only one tool at their disposal: lowering them. They cannot raise money, but they can give it away. Take Emerson Electric.
They noted how many people Emerson employed globally, nationally, and in the St. Louis metropolitan area, although the number of people who might eventually be employed in the new data center itself was hard to find. In fact, a state-of-the art data center might eventually employ about two dozen people, none of whom were guaranteed to live in or anywhere near Ferguson. The economic function of a data center, after all, is to eliminate clerical workers, not to provide them with jobs, and many of its operations can be performed remotely.
But the most remarkable missing number of all was the amount of property tax revenue the county and city housing this state-of-the-art building would gain from its construction. For the past 50 years, the St. Louis area has been using these abatements to encourage new development in areas it designates as Enhanced Enterprise Zones. Companies that bring new development there get certain tax incentives.
One of these incentives, according to the state , is a year real estate tax abatement. Indeed, in , the St. Louis Economic Development Partnership announced that the data center was being built within a state-designated Enhanced Enterprise Zone. Polzin explained to me that Emerson had been eligible for abatements, but it had foregone them out of a concern for fairness. We felt that our real property had already been being fairly assessed historically by St. Louis County.
Clergy - Wikipedia
It might seem improbable that a corporation would forego tax abatements, to which it was legally entitled, in the name of fairness. At the very least, this raises important questions about the assessment value of property in St.
In fact, the opposite is true: The rock-bottom assessment value of the Ferguson campus helps ensure that West Florissant Avenue remains in its current condition, year after year. Louis County more generally. On the 25 parcels Emerson owns all around St. Ferguson itself receives far less. It then divides that number in three—so its final property value, for tax purposes, ends up being one third of its already low appraised value. In some states, Ferguson would be able to offset this write-down by raising its own percentage tax rate. Voters would even be able to decide which services needed the most help and raise property taxes for specific reasons.
As Joseph Pulitzer wrote of St. It works like this: A community like Ferguson wants to bring more money into its economy and increase its property values. So it designates a TIF district and borrows money by selling municipal bonds.golddyspnowor.tk
Series: Ferguson's Careers in Focus
Those funds are most often used to make the area more attractive to businesses—clearing old buildings, adding roads, upgrading infrastructure. All of this is based on the assumption that the new commercial development will bring a certain amount of revenue—in the form of rising property values on adjacent parcels, increased revenue from sales taxes, and so forth. That revenue will be used to retire the bonds that funded the TIF. Cities issue these bonds feeling confident that the new businesses will generate more than enough revenue to pay the money back.
The problem is that the amount the city must pay each year is locked in at the beginning of the bond issue. If the increased revenue is not as high as expected in any given year, the city finds itself in the red. The municipal bonds issued by cities like Ferguson are bundled and sold on a secondary market, in much the same way as the bundled sub-prime mortgages that figured so prominently in the financial crisis of The purchasers of these bonds then become, in effect, the creditors of the cities that have issued them.
Related Clerks and Administrative Workers, Second Edition (Fergusons Careers in Focus)
Copyright 2019 - All Right Reserved